The State of the Jews
At the upcoming election, a Netanyahu victory spells disaster for the Jewish State. If he succeeds, the Zionist principles as set out by Herzl will be extinguished.
‘We shall rise to a higher state. We shall not dwell in mud huts; we shall build newer and more beautiful houses and possess them in safety,’ so wrote Theodor Herzl one hundred and thirty years ago in his historic manifesto, Der Judenstaat (The Jewish State) that led to the foundation of the State of Israel just 52 years later.
Der Judenstaat set out the idea and logistics for the idea of Zionism that would vanquish anti-Semitism and elevate Jews to be sovereign masters of their own destiny in the Holy Land.
Just a few years after the publication of that essay Herzl authored another publication Altneuland (Old New Land), describing his imaginary future state. It would be a prosperous, liberal, multi-ethnic Jewish Commonwealth.
Both Altneuland and Der Judenstaat formed the ideological bedrock for Zionism upon which the State of Israel was founded.
For Herzl, Zionism was not just about the physical existence of a Jewish country, it was also about its character and the moral state of the Jewish people.
Herzl imagined a country where, ‘it would be immoral if we would exclude anyone, whatever his origin, his descent, or his religion, from participating in our achievements.’
He imagined a country at peace with itself where social justice, economic opportunity, democracy and tolerance prevailed. He saw Christians, Muslims, and Jews living alongside each other in peace and as full equals within the state.
Dreams are – of course – one thing and reality is another, but nonetheless Herzl set out an aspiration for Jewish nationhood based upon certain core principles. As he wrote in Altneuland, ‘a community must have an ideal….the ideal is for the community what bread and water are for the individual.’
By that measure the modern State of Israel is becoming a country that is malnourished and parched, being deprived of the qualities Herzl envisaged in his writings.
Israel is becoming a country where the rule of law is being cast aside, judges threatened, where deadly violence is tolerated and even encouraged in the West Bank by settler thugs against Palestinian civilians, and where the police beat demonstrators while shutting down opposition gatherings. It is also a place where the trauma of 7 October is used as a source for further division rather than healing. And it is a place where blunt military might and ultra-nationalism have supplanted any vision or aspiration for peace.
All of this is overseen by a cynical and corrupt government led by Bibi Netanyahu in alliance with far-right fanatics.
In Altneuland, Herzl imagines a democracy with different political parties. One of them is led by Rabbi Dr. Geyer, an ethno-nationalist who proposes that the Jewish Commonwealth should belong to Jews alone, and that Arabs should be denied full citizenship and voting rights.
Geyer embodies Herzl’s opposition to mixing religion and politics. He is described as ‘the nationalist Jew’ who villainises those who don’t agree with him. Geyer’s critics in the book say that, ‘if we listened to him, he would make us out to be bad Jews or even strangers in Palestine….’he wants to turn the public against us, to sow suspicion between you and I.’
Herzl supposedly based the figure of Rabbi Dr. Geyer on Karl Lueger, a nineteenth century antisemitic Viennese politician. Herzl took Lueger’s racist proposals and put them in the mouth of a Jewish nationalist.
From his writing composed over a century ago, Herzl foresees through Geyer, both the politics and personality of Benjamin Netanyahu.
His government has found common cause with far-right politicians and rabble-rousers across Europe and elsewhere, including Tommy Robinson (invited to Israel by the Minister of Diaspora Affairs), former Prime Minister of Hungary Viktor Urban of Hungary, and France’s Marine Le Pen.
At home, Netanyahu uses social media and friendly TV channels to spread political poison, lies, and divisiveness, all of which are tearing Israeli society apart.
In the final part of Altneuland, Herzl describes a general election. He writes that during the campaign Geyer’s party incites casting ‘aspersions’ against its opponents.
His political rivals warn that if Geyer succeeds and adopts that ‘stupid, narrow-minded policy, the land will go to wrack and ruin.’
And that is where Israel stands today as it prepares for another election. A Netanyahu victory spells disaster for the Jewish State. If he succeeds the Zionist principles as set out by Herzl will be extinguished. In its place, Israel will become a brutish autocracy, where rights will be accorded only to Jews and on condition of their compliance to the government.
But even if he fails to become Prime Minister, Israel needs to find a way back to the ideals and principles of its founders which have been sullied by decades of occupation, submission to religious dogma, bad government and more.
Herzl wrote Der Judenstaat and Altneuland as a hopeful manifesto for Zionism. But his writings also contain a warning of the potential dangers posed by anti-democratic demagogues.
At this critical moment in Israel’s history, it is worth re-reading Herzl’s texts as a guide to what the Jewish State should be.
As he wrote at the end of Altneuland, ‘if you will it, it is no dream.’
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